The Tecnova Program marked a milestone for Alagoas, initiating a path of innovative policies supporting innovative products, processes, and services. Launched by FINEP and operationalized in a decentralized manner, Tecnova aimed to create favorable conditions for the growth of micro and small enterprises through state financing of new solutions. Employing an analytical and exploratory methodology utilizing secondary data (plans, reports, and official documents) provided by the Public Administration, along with primary data collected through semi-structured interviews and ethnographic accounts, this study examines the implementation of the policy in its first and second editions, released in 2013 and 2020, respectively. The central question guiding the analysis is: how did the processes of implementing the Tecnova public policy unfold in Alagoas, considering the practices and interactions related to it? Here, we scrutinize the nuances of the implementation process, exploring the factors influencing it and assessing whether they altered the actions of street- level bureaucrats, resonating in choices, decisions, practices, and interactions with the policy's target audience. As hypotheses, this work assumes that: (i) Significant changes occurred in the implementation processes of the policy between editions, directly influencing the program's effectiveness and efficiency; (ii) decisions made by street-level bureaucrats
(implementers) during execution intersected with personal private decisions; (iii) Tecnova impacted the dynamics of the Local Innovation System.

The mobility of people and goods between rural and urban areas of three villages in the high backlands of Alagoas is carried out by used pickup trucks that have been manufactured for over 30 years. They are the basis of a transportation market related to interstate trade in auto parts and engines. The transport of people, parcels and used vehicle parts is intertwined with a network of small and medium-sized municipalities in different regions of Brazil through informal and illegal markets. In this dissertation, I investigate the mobility of trucks, parts, people and goods, their own market regulations, affective-political alliances in addition to those made by city halls and state government. From an ethnography of movements based on field diaries and interviews, I pursue two analytical threads: (i) the relations of buying and selling a pickup truck and its parts (ii) the transport of people and students in rural areas, both phenomena typically involving a Chevrolet D-20. Dialogue with reflections and works inspired by the mobilities paradigm and actor-network theory to understand plots that support and are supported by these “precarious” “on the move” agencies.

Male violence against women is a complex social problem. Patriarchy underlies the system of domination-exploitation of women all over the world. However, women are not passive subjects of history and remain to invent and reinvent forms of resistance. From a dialectic materialist approach, this research answers whether and to what extent the organization of rural women in autonomous collectives can resist the manifestations of patriarchal oppression in their communities. To do so, it specifically analyzed the reality of rural women in a small community in Alto Sertão of Alagoas, a highly vulnerable and neglected group, examining how violence is presented, which public policies are aimed at confronting this violence in the countryside, and how this collective organization takes place. As a methodology, it used bibliographical research to study the participation of women in peasant movement, patriarchy and its intertwining with capitalism, colonialism and racism, and male violence against women; documentary research for the analysis of public policies aimed at rural women; and field research focused on rural communities in the Alto Sertão of Alagoas, with the use of individual in-depth interviews, individual interviews with a semi-structured script and interviews under the focus group technique, participant observation, production of a field diary and photographic records. As a result, it is possible to affirm that public policies aimed at confronting violence against women are practically non-existent in the Sertão of Alagoas, whose political formation imposes a culture of violence. It was also possible to observe that the organization of rural women in autonomous collectives in the Alto Sertão of Alagoas is capable of resisting the manifestations of patriarchy in their communities and is, little by little, searching for a new communitarian way of living with dignity.

This research investigates how the formulation process and the social participation of deaf women in public policies to combat domestic violence in Alagoas are presented, in order to discover how these can interfere in the identity perceptions of these women as social subjects. It is a qualitative research, involving historical analysis, documentary research, access to quantitative data sources and the use of the narrative interview technique. In its development, it presents a bibliographical research that approaches themes such as the evolution of studies on disability, discussing the importance of the social movement of people with disabilities in the construction of regulations that guarantee their full participation in society, a moment in which the movement is highlighted. “nothing about us without us” and the deaf movement, when within the social movement of people with disabilities it fights for the recognition of their specificities. It presents the importance of building an inclusive political agenda that encompasses all social groups, from a perspective that values the social participation of individuals in this formulation. It makes a documentary analysis of public policies to combat domestic violence and bills aimed at people with disabilities, existing in the state of Alagoas, with the aim of identifying the participation of the deaf community and the role of political actors in the referral and formulation of these policies. It develops reflections on how the practices of signification produce meanings that involve power relations, including the power to define who is included and who is excluded, a determining factor for understanding how culture shapes the identity of individuals, by giving meaning to experience and by making it possible for them to opt, among the various possible identities, for a specific mode of subjectivity. For this, it uses the theoretical perspective on identity politics and the Theory of Recognition in Axel Honneth.

This dissertation sociologically analyzes the relationship between the financial investments made in Alagoas by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) and the Foundation for Research Support of the State of Alagoas (FAPEAL) from 2015 to 2020 as a mechanism for structuring the scientific field and as an expression of national development, science and economy projects, in order to guide the achievement of interests. Investments made by development agencies are made through public notices governed by the principle of scientific
“merit” and, however, in the end, they serve political interests in the scientific sphere to produce formulas that hinder the entry of new actors (institutions, universities, laboratories, graduate programs) in access to financial resources. This is the northeastern and Alagoan dilemma, that of being the region and state, respectively,
where postgraduate and high-level research were created more recently and for which the dispute for financial resources for the production of science comes up against in an order of exclusionary financing policies, despite indications here and there of the need to reduce asymmetries.

This dissertation sociologically analyzes the relationship between the financial investments made in Alagoas by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) and the Foundation for Research Support of the State of Alagoas (FAPEAL) from 2015 to 2020 as a mechanism for structuring the scientific field and as an expression of national development, science and economy projects, in order to guide the achievement of interests. Investments made by development agencies are made through public notices governed by the principle of scientific
“merit” and, however, in the end, they serve political interests in the scientific sphere to produce formulas that hinder the entry of new actors (institutions, universities, laboratories, graduate programs) in access to financial resources. This is the northeastern and Alagoan dilemma, that of being the region and state, respectively,
where postgraduate and high-level research were created more recently and for which the dispute for financial resources for the production of science comes up against in an order of exclusionary financing policies, despite indications here and there of the need to reduce asymmetries.

The present dissertation tries to understand, in a context of intersectionality between school and periphery, the meanings produced in the actions of EJA students and their paths of sociability in the meshes of the social fabrics of cities in the interior of Alagoas. These poor, brown, black and peripheral social agents who participate in criminal collectives that give them shelter, affection, insurance and subsistence. In these paths of social fabrics, I problematize how the relationship of exclusion-marginalization of these students is constituted inside and outside the school. Through a cultural bricolage concatenated by conflict, moral harassment, sexual exploitation and exposure of their bodies to toe work and the violence experienced at school and in the community, these agents develop their agencies. During the research, I used several methodological strategies for data collection, participant observation, interviews, formal and informal dialogues with the interlocutors who helped me to build this work. In addition to these strategies that were fundamental for the development of the research, my experience as an education professional and a subject who transits through the social margins of marginalization-exclusion in the cities of the interior of Alagoas, I redirected my gaze to demonstrate in this research how this social phenomenon remains invisible. During the field, some memories of youth brought me closer to the interlocutors and made me reflect on the findings. A fundamental technique to maintain the bond in the collaboration relationship and gain the confidence of the interlocutors was to tell them my personal trajectory as an excluded-marginalized subject that resembled, in some points, the social trajectory of my interlocutors “I saw myself in them” . However, I gradually noticed during the fieldwork that the paths that formed the outskirts of Alagoas still continued to expand through a sociological framework of social accumulation of disadvantages that were configured around other social dynamics that began to emerge in Alagoas with the arrival of of factional regimes. Settling in the outskirts of the capital of Alagoas in the first decade of the 2000s and later in cities in the interior of Alagoas, modifying the life paths of adolescent-young people from cities in the interior of Alagoas.

This research proposes to analyze the forms of articulation between culture and politics undertaken by the Hip-Hop Movement Organized in Maranhão Quilombo Urbano, founded in 1989, but baptized with the terminology presented here in 1992, whose participants are mostly men and women who live in peripheral neighborhoods of the city of São Luís, capital of Maranhão, and who claim to be black “from the hoods”, revolutionaries and socialists. Throughout this research, we seek to understand how Quilombo Urbano organizes its actions. Methodologically, this research is based on qualitative data and has an interdisciplinary theoretical basis. Seeking to capture a greater complexity of these actions, we investigate the trajectories of some members of the movement, present some ethnographic reports of the acts and reflect on the originating processes of internal and external disputes. Data were extracted from field research, interviews, ethnographies, discourse analysis, song lyrics, rhymes and document analyses.

 This master's research consists of a documental analysis of a descriptive and exploratory nature and has as its general objective to understand the place of Sociology in the curricular
references elaborated by states in Brazil for the implementation of the reform of secondary education. It is known that the trajectory of the Sociology curricular component in the basic
education curriculum is marked by a certain instability in the face of curricular reforms in Brazil in different historical contexts. The most recent reform implemented through Law nº
13.415/2017, changed the LDBEN and established that the high school curriculum will be composed of the National Common Curricular Base and training itineraries. Therefore, the
presence of Sociology in the curriculum undergoes changes in its disciplinary configurations. After the reform, biased by the neoliberal context, the high school curriculum began to contain Sociology “studies and practices”. The change in the disciplinary character of the Sociology component represents its dilution and reduction in the curriculum. Curricular components are now organized by areas of knowledge and their studies are directed from the interdisciplinary context. Faced with so many changes in the curricular structure, our research problem focused on the following question: How is Sociology mobilized in its disciplinary character in the new state curricular references that make up the new high school? We seek to
identify the presence of Sociology as a curricular component, the educational objectives assigned to Sociology, the skills and abilities directed to Sociology and its presence in training itineraries. Our research is based on critical theories of the curriculum. We categorize the presence of Sociology, based on the collection and integrated curriculum codes created by Basil Bernstein. We also used their categorizations about the official recontextualization field and the pedagogical recontextualization field. We also take the contributions of Michael Young on the importance of the discipline-centered curriculum. In view of the empirical research carried out on the state curriculum references, we can state that despite the withdrawal of mandatory Sociology as a mandatory curricular component, it remains resistant as a component of the common base and has participation in training itineraries.

The object of analysis in this research is Social Control over Public Health Policies through popular participation in the Conselho Estadual de Saúde de Alagoas – CES. This council is the instance of popular participation in the scope of the state's health policy, given that the instances of participation appear as a distinct modality, different from the traditional model of political participation by party affiliation, unionization or electoral turnout. It is part of the recent expansion of different forms of popular participation in spaces and processes of discussion and formulation of public policies. The current political context points, at least in the Federal sphere, to an unfavorable policy of reducing popular participation by the extinction of several councils in the most varied fields of public policy. In this context, this research addresses the Conselho Estadual de Saúde de Alagoas, an agency inserted in the health policy decentralization process, seeking to understand its contribution to health policy, what is the relationship with the government and its interaction with municipal departments. This is a case study, which uses bibliographic research and interviews, in which it seeks to answer to what extent the State Health Council contributes to the Health policy in the State of Alagoas? Therefore, it seeks to discuss how popular participation in the State Health Council has been organized and carried out; if there is pressure or similar discouraging movement; whether the data found point to the weakening of popular participation. The hypothesis is that there are difficulties encountered by counselors in their performance, and they are related to technical-scientific language; asymmetrical relationship of power, resources and access to information between incorporated actors, inequality of insertion and demobilization.

The Maria da Penha Law, enacted in 2006, besides prioritizing the attention to women in situations of violence, establishes prevention strategies and confrontation of domestic violence from initiatives directed also to men who are authors of violence (known in Brazil by the Portuguese acronym, HAV). This research aims at intervention policies carried out with these men in 5 states in the Northeast region (MA, PI, RN, AL and SE). We aim to analyze how the development of these policies has taken place, especially the attention given by these programs to the issue of recidivism among their participants. This is a qualitative, exploratory and descriptive research using as methodology the technique of content analysis, through instruments such as questionnaires and interviews. The results found, based on the specialized literature, aim to discuss the way these interventions have been conducted in the Northeast and how they may or may not contribute to confronting violence against women.

Impact assessment is the effect directly attributed to an action or the consequence of a particular effort to achieve a desired end. In the field of public security, most social projects and programs end up not having their impacts evaluated. However, there is a consensus in the specialized literature that measuring impact is still the safest way to assess costs and develop more efficient interventions in terms of the constitution of fairer and more sustainable societies. It will seek to compare the results produced by the Safer Brazil Program (BMS) in the set of four states where it was developed, namely: Alagoas, Sergipe, Paraíba and Rio Grande do Norte. Unlike previous programs proposed by the Federal Government, the BMS distinguished itself by producing a policy aimed at promoting the investigative power of state police officers and by enhancing the ostensible and saturation policing actions in territories that concentrated, at the time, the highest rates of violence homicide in the country. To apprehend the positive and negative changes in this process, as well as the so-called direct and indirect changes promoted by the execution of the program in the states, it is worth asking: did the BMS produce the expected results? The program's impact evaluation will seek to answer this question and track its results and inputs from three axes: (i) the relationship between investments directed at state investigative polices and their impact on the resolution rates of homicide investigations, as well as as its result in the fight against impunity in each state, (ii) the promotion of ostensible policing to the detriment of community policing as a form of social control of crime in vulnerable territories and, (iii) the encouragement of the development of actions coordinated and integrated public security systems as a way of optimizing governance and efficiency mechanisms with public security
and the criminal justice system of the states.

The present work has the proposal to analyze and discuss the teaching performance in the context of Sociology teaching, having as a research universe, rural schools in the state of Alagoas that offer high school. The main question is to analyze whether the teaching of Sociology in high school in rural schools in Alagoas considers the rural context in which the students are inserted or if the school reproduces a vision of historical inferiority preached to the people who live and work in the countryside. In other words, is the classroom “emptied” from the local reality within the scope of Sociology teaching? The sociology teacher's practice will be observed, as well as the curriculum and methods used in teaching, in addition to the working conditions and academic training of these teachers who work in these schools. It will also be necessary to understand the view of these teachers on the specificities of teaching in the area/territory where they are inserted and also the view of the students themselves on the teaching of Sociology. The process of consolidation of the teaching of Sociology in Brazil and in Alagoas was presented in order to offer a  historical view about the institutionalization of the discipline in the state. The research reached all Sociology teachers of the 19 rural state schools in Alagoas through the formation of a profile of these professionals, and emphasized field research in two schools located in the hinterland of Alagoas. The field research was
carried out in a qualitative perspective of analysis, evidenced by the use of semi-structured interview scripts, guided by the methodology of oral history and ethnography in the classrooms. Teachers who mediate teaching in rural schools use textbooks as the only didactic resource in classrooms and do not consider or treat the teaching carried out in rural schools as necessary to be contextualized and despite demonstrating knowledge about the characteristics of the institution, they do not see many possibilities for educational advances for students from the peasant spheres. With regard to students, it becomes clear after conducting questionnaires and interviews that Sociology is seen by most as a discipline that is not
fundamental to the systemic development of learning in students and is far from being developed in a way that is linked to reality. of life shared by them

Despite the prominence that the theme of urban violence has taken on since the redemocratization of Brazilian society, since then, we have witnessed a succession of experiences that point more to rupture than to continuity in terms of public security policies. From FHC to Dilma, passing through two terms of the Lula government, federal public security programs have been formulated, implemented and, quickly, abandoned or modified. The present study aims, from the historical institutionalist perspective and the bibliographical analysis of the area of public security, to understand how and why these ruptures and continuities of the federal public security plans have affected the control of violent crime. The institutionalist and public policy literature raises a set of hypotheses to explain this phenomenon, making a survey on what the greatest specialists in the national scene have argued on the subject, we will explore, especially, the cooperative limits between the federal actors (federal government, states and municipalities) as a hypothesis to explain the factors that interfere with these disruptions in national plans from government to government, taking into account the weight of social and historical structures on the functioning of security institutions. Within this purpose, we will also identify coalitions and disputes within the political field of public security, the clash between security paradigms, as well as their interconnections, advances, setbacks, traditional and/or reformist, repressive, preventive and access to citizenship biases. We will analyze these issues based on the cases of the federal public security plans of the FHC (1995-1998; 1999-2002), Lula (2003-2006; 2007-2010) and Dilma (2011-2014; 2015-2016) governments.

This paper deals with the tensions between disciplinary repertoires in Alagoas detention unities, mobilized in the institutional dynamics, by employees, and in the enunciations, performances and senses of belonging of young inmates to the symbols expressed by the abbreviations PCC and CV. This is the result of an ethnographic research. For this purpose, the dialogues established with adolescents and employees in the socio-educational system of Alagoas are used, aiming to embrace both perspectives and differentiate them. In addition, documents – institutional records – produced by employees in a period between 2004 and 2016 are also analysed. It is understood, through a figurative perspective of Eliasian inspiration, that the interactions between adolescents and employees – that are interconnected through the most varied positions in the detention unities and through their interlacing with the worlds of urban peripheries – make possible the mobilization constraints and pressures, of agencies and positions taken, which are evident both in disciplinary repertoires and in confrontations with them. It is argued that their positions and actions can only be understood in the interdependencies, in the mutual pressures of one another. In the system, institutional and criminal repertoires are inseparable, reproduce and feed back each other.

This research seeks to investigate the trajectory of graffiti artists in the city of Maceió to
understand how these individuals fit into the new contexts of the labor market. Profession,
work, art, drawing, playfulness, expressiveness, creativity are categories that take on new
contours in contemporaneity and I seek to understand how young people are moving in these
scenarios. Thus, the task of this research is to respond to the concerns that these youths have
been facing. How do young graffiti artists in the city of Maceió respond to this call to bring
together playful-expressive universes with new professional scenarios? It is also the
responsibility of this research to seek to understand the functioning of this approximation of
these two universes, which until then seemed distant. Thus, when they are provoked to create
conditions to be seen as professionals, they alter the game of work and leisure and give new
contours to this relationship. However, these answers appear on the basis of various
symmetries that are woven along the contours of their trajectories. Therefore, these actors are
giving new meaning to the idea of professionalization, as well as pointing out ways for young
people who want to work with playful and expressive activities in contexts of
professionalization of creativity. To understand these scenarios, I seek to look at the
trajectories of Joe, Sevi and Inxame and how they respond to the challenges that are placed in
their life trajectories. Therefore, this work analyzes the trajectories of these actors. In
addition, since 2018, following the networks of young artists in the city of Maceió, looking
mainly at the interaction between work, profession and interaction and communication
networks.

This  study  sought  to  analyze  the  issue  of  "ideological  recognition"  in  the  version  of  Critical Theory  on  which  Axel  Honneth's  Theory  of  Recognition  is  anchored,  both  in  relation  to  the criticisms  that  he,  when  founding  his  conception,  directed  towards  his predecessors  and  the criticisms  that  it  receives  from  its  contemporary  interlocutors.  The  reflections  carried  out focused on the specificities of one of the distortions of recognition –ideological recognition –which, instead of expanding the subjects' horizons, contributes to strengthening the process of their submission and domination. The work resulted from a systematic research of diachronic nature, interested in the apprehension of social changes and processes underlying the different temporalities ofthe critique of ideology within the scope of Critical Theory. As an approach, we favored the use of a “descriptive reconstruction”, which made it possible to highlight aspects present  at  the  very  heart  of  the  analyzed  theory,  evidence  (at  theoretical  and methodological levels) of potential responses to the criticism it receives. Although the critique of ideology has a central place in the theoretical production of first and second generation Frankfurt scholars, in  Axel  Honneth's  work  this  issue  does  not  seem  to  gain  greater  prominence  than  tangential spaces as responses to the direct criticisms that his first theoretical version receives. A situation that changes considerably in a second moment of Honnethian production, where it is possible to see signs that there is an effort by the author to address issues in which the theme of ideology is   transversalized.   In   the   search   for   understanding   how   Axel   Honneth   considers   the contradictions,  tensions,  challenges  and  dilemmas  implicit  in  the  horizons  of  his  theoretical project, it was found that the connection of the theme of ideology in his work arises from his more  recent  interests  in analyzing  the  pathologies  social,  reification  and  social  paradoxes,  in connection with specific moments of contemporary societies.

This dissertation aims to understand and map the knowledge developed about Cyberfeminism in Brazil, and presents a research of the State of the Art in the area of Social Sciences -Anthropology, Sociology and Political Science. The central issue is to analyze the presence/reception of the theme Cyberfeminism in part of the academic field, seeking to observe and quantify the approaches and agents responsible for competing for spaces for this theme within the Social Sciences, the paths, interpretations, works carried out and profiles of the authors. For this, a Bourdesian perspective is used to understand if the theme of Cyberfeminism has a prestigious position in the scientific/academic field of Social Sciences. A bibliometric
analysis is also applied to outline an assessment of the research agendas around the theme, and to measure the production and dissemination rates of this scientific knowledge, aiming at describing and evaluating the scientific production of (a) articles published in qualified journals in the Qualis-Periódicos criteria (2013-2016), as being from higher strata (A1, A2 and B1), and in (b) Social Sciences theses and dissertations.

RESUMO
O estudo tem por objeto a mobilidade criminal na cidade de Maceió (AL). O objetivo geral da
pesquisa é descrever a dinâmica espaço-temporal intraurbana dos crimes de roubo a transeunte
e de homicídio doloso na capital alagoana ao longo dos anos de 2015, 2016 e 2017. Os objetivos
específicos são quatro: I) identificar os pontos quentes, as regiões de maior incidência de crimes
para cada ato infracional; II) descrever as jornadas para o crime, a extensão dos trajetos
percorridos pelos criminosos desde suas residências até o local do crime; III) analisar os padrões
de mobilidade associados a cada ramo ilícito; IV) caracterizar os elementos que definem os
contextos de oportunidade para os crimes de roubo e de homicídio na cidade de Maceió. O
marco teórico que subsidia a concepção desta pesquisa é o da sociologia do crime e da
criminologia ambiental, com foco sobre as abordagens ecológicas que têm como referência a
definição de estruturas de oportunidade para o crime. O método, de ordem quantitativa, consiste
no uso de técnicas de geoestatística e análises descritiva e inferencial. Estudos aplicados à
compreensão da mobilidade criminal podem ser muito úteis na explicação das relações entre
espaço urbano, oportunidade e criminalidade na medida em que evidenciam as áreas e
condições que merecem atenção por parte do poder público, orientando os esforços das
instâncias de segurança pública.

As representações sociais constituem formas que a sociedade utiliza para categorizar
fenômenos e pessoas, de acordo com os atributos que considera desejáveis ou não.
Dentre essas representações sociais, a imagem formada acerca dos advogados
criminalistas se mostra negativa. Embora a Constituição Federal estabeleça como
princípio o direito à ampla defesa dos acusados em processos criminais, defesa esta
realizada pelo advogado, não são raras as ocasiões em que este profissional é
representado de forma equiparada ao cliente que defende, tornando-se populares termos
como “advogado de bandido” ou “advogado do diabo”, para se referir aos advogados
criminalistas. O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar como os advogados
criminalistas em atuação na cidade de Maceió, diante de representações sociais
negativas sobre sua profissão, constroem sua autoimagem. Para tanto, foram
mobilizados os conceitos de representações sociais em autores como Durkheim,
Saussure e Strauss; de estigma, em Goffman; e de self e conversações internas, em
Archer. A metodologia de pesquisa consistiu em análise de entrevistas semiestruturadas
com dezessete advogados criminalistas em atuação na cidade de Maceió, de modo a
compreender o universo destes profissionais e verificar como eles constroem sua
autoimagem. A pesquisa mostrou que os advogados criminalistas de Maceió percebem
as representações sociais negativas existentes contra si em condutas que ocorrem tanto
no campo profissional quanto no extraprofissional, porém eles procuram desenvolver
estratégias de reação contra essas condutas e, em suas trajetórias, criam autoimagens
distintas da imagem negativa estabelecida pela sociedade.

The object of analysis of the research that derives this dissertation are the disputes undertaken by symbolic capital and social distinction / social prestige by the municipal guards within the subfield of the Guarda Municipal de Maceió/AL. The Guarda Municipal de Maceió was created in 1989, with the purpose of protecting the public assets, goods and services of the municipality. We have as general objective of the research to understand the disputes of the agents for symbolic capital and for social distinction / social prestige in the interior Guarda Municipal de Maceió/AL. Thus, taking the Guarda Municipal de Maceió as a subfield in the field of Public Security, we have the following specific objectives: a) Think GMM from the concept of subfield; b) Identify the symbolic capitals in dispute in the GMM subfield; c) Understand the dispositional factors of the GMM agents under study; d) Observe the practical sense of GMM agents; e) Understand the “game played” within the GMM subfield. As a theoretical basis that supports the conception of this research is Pierre Bourdieu's Dispositional Sociology, for the study of the subfield structures of the Guarda Municipal de Maceió, its agents and their internal groups, from the concepts of field and subfield, habitus , symbolic capital, practical sense, illusio, as well as, in a punctual way, the contributions of Sociology in Individual Scale, by Bernard Lahire, focusing on the trajectories, stocks and experiences of the municipal guards. The methodological procedure that is applied in greater volume is the qualitative method. The agents' perceptions collected through semi-structured interviews applied to the subjects are analyzed. To assess the profile of the agents participating in the research, we used the quantitative approach to a lesser extent. Thus, our first results in the context of the dynamics of disputes over social prestige and symbolic capital by the agents that make up the Guarda Municipal de Maceió/AL, that even unconscious or aware the agents that make up certain more operational groups of the 32 research participants 26 do not recognize the area in which they act as an activity of social prestige, but in the majority, 20 agents among the total, would not like to work in another area.